One of the main hallmarks of pragmatic meaning is that
it is often indirect: people can mean something without saying
it literally, explicitly, or directly. Most of this class has been
focused on understanding and analyzing the many ways this can happen,
through things like illocutionary force, implicatures (whether conventional,
conversational, or something else), presuppositions, and metaphors.
Our ability and propensity to communicate indirectly,
and to understand indirect communication (and to talk in ways that
are based on expecting our listeners to understand our own indirect
communication) might even be part of what makes human language
unique. Nonhuman animals do have communication systems (although no
nonhuman animal communication system has yet been found that displays
the
special features of human language), but it is not clear that nonhuman
animals do pragmatic, Gricean sorts of reasoning that humans regularly
do (see, e.g., Scott-Phillips,
2017 and Woensdregt
& Smith, 2017). Pragmatics also sets human language apart from computer
programming languages and formal logic (so when people make arguments about
how language should be logical—e.g., if someone tries to use "logic"
to criticize the way someone else uses or does not use double negatives, the
Oxford comma, stuff like that—those arguments have no basis in linguistics
or reality, and are usually just a way for people to try to use prescriptive
grammar to try to act like they're better than someone else.)
At this point we can ask why people talk this way.
Why did humans develop, and continue to use, this uniquely human pragmatic
capacity, instead of just saying what they mean?
This is not a trivial question, because there are some
serious problems that can arise with indirect pragmatic communication, as
we will see shortly. In spite of these problems, people still communicate
indirectly very often, so it seems like there probably is some reason
it's worthwhile to use indirect communication in spite of those problems.
In this module we will see some of the problems with indirect communication,
and in the next module we will see some of the reasons why indirect
communication is often useful and worthwhile anyway (so please don't
misunderstand this module as something telling you not to use indirect
communication; this module is not prescriptive, it's not telling you what
to do, it's just trying to understand what the problems of indirect
communication are so that in the next module we can even better appreciate
why indirect communication is so valuable in spite of those problems).
Moving on to the problems with indirect communication:
Thomas (chapter 5; citing Dascal,
1983) describes indirect communication as "costly and risky". Let's
examine each of these characteristics in turn, starting with risky.
Indirect communication is risky
The most obvious drawback of indirect communication
is that it carries the risk of being misunderstood. If you say
something indirectly instead of saying it literally, people
might not pick up your indirect meaning, and they might even
pick up a different meaning than what you intended. The webisode
below includes an example (an English translation is provided
just below here):
Here is the key piece of dialogue (plus internal
monologue) from the beginning of the clip:
Man: 妳唔使陪男朋友咩?
("You don't need to hang out with your boyfriend?")
Woman: 唔使呀
("No need")
Man (thinking to himself): 唔使……唔使……到底“唔使呀”嘅意思係“唔使”定係“唔使”呢?到底佢男朋友唔使佢陪……定係佢冇拍拖所以唔使?
("'No need'... 'No need'... does that mean 'no need', or 'no need'? Her boyfriend doesn't need her to hang out with her... or she's not dating anyone so no need?")
It's clear that this guy wanted to know if
the woman has a boyfriend. But instead of just asking her
whether she has a boyfriend, he instead made an utterance
which presupposes
that she has a boyfriend ("You don't need to hang out with
your boyfriend?"), in the hopes that she would answer his
question by responding to the presupposition (e.g., by saying
"Actually I don't have a boyfriend.") This is a super common
use of presuppositions (another example, from a scene in BoJack
Horseman: two characters, Emily and Todd, are developing
an app, and are also clearly romantically interested in
each other; Emily asks Todd, "So, do you think your
girlfriend would get jealous if we started this project
together, or...").
But instead, she responded to his literal
meaning without addressing the presupposition. The question
he was actually interested in remains unanswered, and thus
all his confused thoughts. This illustrates a risk of
indirect utterances: the person you're talking to might take
the utterance in a different way than you intended. (In this
case we can't even say the woman "misunderstood" what he
wanted to ask; it's probably even more likely that she
understood exactly, and avoided the question on purpose,
perhaps because she doesn't want to give information about
her personal life to some creepy guy.)
Is indirect communication costly?
Thomas (chapter 5) asserts that indirect
utterances are "costly" because they take longer for the
speaker to say, and also take more time and effort for a
listener to understand. Both of these claims, however,
are debateable.
It is not clear to me that indirect
utterances always take longer to produce than corresponding
direct utterances. (Note, though, that I am already
oversimplifying the question; "indirect utterances take
longer than direct utterances to produce" is a
generic statement, and as
we have seen, the meaning of generic statements is
unclear; "indirect utterances take longer" might not
necessarily mean that all indirect utterances
take longer!) For example, asking a question by using
a presupposition (as in the example we examined above)
does not always take more words than asking the same
question directly; for instance, "Where's your boyfriend?"
would take fewer words (3) than "Do you have a boyfriend?"
(5). Furthermore, as we saw in the "What's
a stronger alternative?" module, utterances can
be shorter than what they implicate (e.g., "I
have lived in France and the UAE" is shorter than
"I have only lived in France and the UAE").
It's also not clear to me that mere number
of words (or any more fine-grained unit, like number of
morphemes, number of syllables, number of letters, number
of sounds, etc.) is an accurate measure for how difficult
something is to say or understand. Study of
psycholinguistics
will quickly reveal that there are many ways that two
sentences of identical length may differ in difficulty.
Furthermore, sometimes a shorter utterance can be much
harder to understand than a longer utterance that
explains things more clearly, and likewise it may be
harder to find a clear way to produce a short utterance
than a longer one (ever tried to write a 200-word
abstract or give a 1-minute speech?).
I think Thomas's main claim, however, is
about the psycholinguistic processing costs of indirect
utterances, rather than their actual linguistic length
or complexity. She is saying that they take more time
and effort for listeners to understand, and they are
more difficult for listeners to understand; even for
speakers, even if indirect utterances aren't actually
longer, they might take speakers more time and mental
effort to plan and execute the utterance.
Nevertheless, even those latter sorts of
claims have also come under question. Thomas points
out that many psycholinguistic experiments have confirmed
this claim, but she was writing in 1995, before
the heyday of experimental
pragmatics began. As Noveck (chapter 14, inter alia)
describes, psycholinguistic findings on this question are
quite mixed. While there are some phenomena where people
seem to often require extra effort to understand indirect
or implicit meaning (for example, most scalar implicature researchers
believe scalar implicatures require processing
effort—and Noveck, chapter 6, reviews a lot of
convincing evidence that children take a long time to
learn this aspect of meaning), there are many others where people
generally seem to get the indirect/implicit meaning more
easily and more quickly than the direct/literal meaning
(metaphor is one of the main cases of this). Ultimately,
whether or not pragmatic meanings engender processing
difficulty is still a pretty open question. Even for
scalar implicature, where there is more widespread agreement
on this, I am
stillnotconvinced.
While it is not clear yet whether indirect
communication is costly (it's not clear what exactly
would be evidence for or against this claim, how this
sort of "costliness" could be measured, or whether the
experimental research so far supports the claim), I think
it should still be uncontroversial that indirect communication
is, at least, risky, as discussed above.
As we have discussed above, though, speakers
still do use indirect communication all the time, even though
it is risky. Why do they do that? In the next module we will
examine some of the reasons indirect communication may be
useful or beneficial.
Video summary
In-class activities
An utterance that communicates something indirectly, like
"You don't need to hang out with your boyfriend?",
may sometimes be longer than another utterance that
communicates the same thing directly, like "Do you
have a boyfriend?" This is basically Thomas's
point that we discussed above.
We could, however, argue that this utterance isn't longer
relative to what it communicates. The indirect
utterance communicates more than one thing (in addition
to asking whether the woman has a boyfriend, it also
communicates its literal meaning). So, even though it's
slightly longer, it also conveys more information; maybe
its information-to-length ratio is actually bigger than
that of the direct utterance!
To be able to test whether or not this is true, and to be
able to test Thomas's other claims, we would need some
way to meaningfully measure indirectness. Particularly,
we need to measure how much information is in
an utterance (how many ideas it communicates), and how much
linguistic material is in the utterance (how long
it is).
Have students brainstorm a way to measure these things.
Thomas (chapter 5.4) discusses several possibilities.